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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">intertrends</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Международные процессы</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1728-2756</issn><issn pub-type="epub">1811-2773</issn><publisher><publisher-name>AEFIR</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.17994/IT.2021.19.3.66.4</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">intertrends-259</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ФИКСИРУЕМ ТЕНДЕНЦИЮ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>CATCHING A TREND</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>От трампа к байдену что ждёт нато?</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>From trump to biden what will happen to nato?</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Голуб</surname><given-names>Ю.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Golub</surname><given-names>Yu.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Юрий Голуб</p><p>Саратов</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Yurii Golub</p><p>Saratov, 410012</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">goloub@info.sgu.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Шенин</surname><given-names>С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Shenin</surname><given-names>S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Сергей Шенин</p><p>Саратов</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Sergei Shenin</p><p>Saratov, 410012</p></bio><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Саратовский национальный исследовательский государственный университет им. Н.Г. Чернышевского</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Saratov State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>30</day><month>09</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>19</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>68</fpage><lpage>84</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Голуб Ю., Шенин С., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Голуб Ю., Шенин С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Golub Y., Shenin S.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.intertrends.ru/jour/article/view/259">https://www.intertrends.ru/jour/article/view/259</self-uri><abstract><p>Статья посвящена анализу процесса трансформации НАТО в постбиполярный период и прогнозированию перспектив альянса. В контексте эволюции блока, а также с учётом различных подходов к внешней политике США со стороны двух ведущих партий и наиболее влиятельных политико-идеологических групп, авторы исследуют причины ухудшения трансатлантических отношений, в том числе то, как Вашингтон использовал потенциал альянса для решения своих стратегических задач в прошлом и настоящем. Отмечается, что после окончания «холодной войны» все американские лидеры, хотя и в различной степени, были склонны к одностороннему подходу для достижения национальных интересов Соединённых Штатов с помощью НАТО, что способствовало аккумулированию недовольства в Европе американским доминированием в альянсе и стремлению к автономии в сфере обороны и безопасности. Фактически президент Д. Трамп продолжил консервативную политику Б. Обамы в отношении НАТО, которая должна была обеспечить реализацию стратегии «поворота в Азию». Использование республиканцем жёсткой риторики и угроз серьёзно подорвало трансатлантическую солидарность. Хотя консервативные политикоидеологические группы в США поддерживали подход Трампа как «эффективный», большинство группировок в обеих партиях (либералы, реалисты и неоконсерваторы) по разным причинам считали, что такая политика не отвечает американским интересам и необходимо рассмотреть возможность предоставления ЕС большей самостоятельности в сфере обороны и безопасности. Поскольку после победы Дж. Байдена инициатива по вопросу о политике НАТО перешла в руки представителей либеральных группировок, президенту в рамках внутрипартийной конкуренции придётся искать пути для синтеза точек зрения прогрессистов, реставраторов и реформистов. Делается вывод о том, что в контексте нового баланса сил в мире администрация Байдена, скорее всего, будет вынуждена отказаться от традиционного видения роли НАТО в пользу реформистской концепции стратегической автономии Европы.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of transformation of NATO in the post-bipolar period and forecasting the prospects of the alliance. In the context of the bloc’s evolution, as well as taking into account the different approaches to US foreign policy on the part of the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the reasons for the deterioration of transatlantic relations, including how Washington used the potential of the alliance to solve its strategic tasks in the past and present. It is noted that after the end of the Cold War, all US presidents to some extent used unilateral approaches to achieve the national interests of the United States at the expense of NATO, which contributed to the accumulation of discontent in Europe with American dominance in the alliance and the desire for a certain autonomy in the field of defense and security. In fact, President D. Trump continued the traditional conservative policy of B. Obama towards NATO, which was supposed to ensure the implementation of the strategy of “Pivot to Asia”. The Republicans’ use of harsh rhetoric and threats has seriously undermined transatlantic solidarity. Although conservative political and ideological groups in the United States actively supported Trump’s approach as “effective”, nevertheless, the majority of groups in both parties (liberals, realists and neoconservatives) for various reasons believed that such a policy does not meet American interests and it is necessary to consider the possibility of granting the EU greater independence in the field of defense and security. Since after Biden’s victory, the initiative on the issue of NATO policy passed into the hands of representatives of liberal groups, the President will have to look for ways to synthesize the points of view of progressives, “restorationists” and “reformists” within the framework of internal party competition. It is concluded that in the context of the new balance of power in the world the Biden administration will most likely be forced to abandon the traditional vision of the role of NATO in favor of the “reformist” concept of “strategic autonomy” of Europe.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>НАТО</kwd><kwd>Дональд Трамп</kwd><kwd>Джозеф Байден</kwd><kwd>Барак Обама</kwd><kwd>Европейский Союз</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>«поворот в Азию»</kwd><kwd>«стратегическая автономия»</kwd><kwd>консерваторы</kwd><kwd>либералы</kwd><kwd>реалисты</kwd><kwd>неоконсерваторы</kwd><kwd>реставраторы</kwd><kwd>реформисты</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>NATO</kwd><kwd>D. Trump</kwd><kwd>J. Biden</kwd><kwd>B. Obama</kwd><kwd>European Union</kwd><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>pivot to Asia</kwd><kwd>strategic autonomy</kwd><kwd>conservatives</kwd><kwd>liberals</kwd><kwd>realists</kwd><kwd>neoconservatives</kwd><kwd>restorationists</kwd><kwd>reformists</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Арбатова Н.К. Евроатлантические отношения в XXI веке: проблемы и сценарии // Мировая экономика и международные отношения. 2015. № 11. С. 31–37.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Arbatova N.K. (2015). Evroatlanticheskie otnosheniya v XXI veke: problemy i scenario [Euro-Atlantic Relations in the XXI century: problems and scenarios]. Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. No. 11. 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