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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">intertrends</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Международные процессы</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1728-2756</issn><issn pub-type="epub">1811-2773</issn><publisher><publisher-name>AEFIR</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.17994/IT.2017.15.2.49.6</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">intertrends-698</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ФИКСИРУЕМ ТЕНДЕНЦИЮ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>CATCHING A TREND</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Роль военной силы в политике Обамы</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Military Force in Obama’s Policy</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Сафранчук</surname><given-names>Иван</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Safranchuk</surname><given-names>Ivan</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Сафранчук Иван Алексеевич - кандидат политических наук, доцент, доцент Кафедры мировых политических процессов; ведущий научный сотрудник Центра исследований проблем Центральной Азии и Афганистана МГИМО МИД России</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dr Ivan Safranchuk - Associate Professor, Department of World Politics; Leading Research Fellow, Center for Central Asia and Afghanistan Studies, MGIMO University</p><p>Moscow, 119454</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">and6958@yandex.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>МГИМО МИД России</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>МГИМО МИД России</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2017</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>10</day><month>07</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>15</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>89</fpage><lpage>98</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Сафранчук И., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Сафранчук И.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Safranchuk I.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.intertrends.ru/jour/article/view/698">https://www.intertrends.ru/jour/article/view/698</self-uri><abstract><p>Статья вносит вклад в дискуссию о роли военной силы во внешней политике президента США Барака Обамы. К концу срока работы его администрации в политологической среде стало принято говорить о сдержанности американского лидера в применении силы. Этот тезис обосновывается политологами преимущественно на материале сирийского конфликта. Вместе с тем широко цитируемый пример недостаточно репрезентативен для того, чтобы оценить взгляды президента США на военную силу и их эволюцию. В статье рассматривается опыт принятия военно-силовых решений в афганском конфликте в 2009–2011 годах, и на его основе делаются заключения о взглядах Обамы на военную силу и их эволюцию. Изучаемый пример представляется наиболее показательным для такого анализа, поскольку именно война в Афганистане была приоритетом американского лидера в его первый президентский срок. В статье описываются альтернативные решения, которые предлагали президенту США члены его команды, и анализируются основания, по которым он осуществлял выбор из них. В статье разбираются два обзора афганской стратегии, которые имели место в 2009 и 2010 годах, в ходе которых прослеживается эволюция взглядов Обамы на военную силу. На основе афганского кейса можно говорить, что президент США в начале своего срока был уверен в эффективности вооружённой силы, делал ставку на военную победу в Афганистане. В дальнейшем его взгляды быстро эволюционировали, поскольку выбранная стратегия не давала желаемых результатов. Тем не менее невозможно сделать однозначного заключения о том, чем закончилась эта эволюция. В силу удачного для Обамы стечения обстоятельств он избежал необходимости принимать сложные военно-политические решения в середине 2011 года, которые могли бы свидетельствовать об эволюции  его взглядов на военную силу. В течение второго срока Обама был более осторожен при принятии военно-силовых решений. Между тем представление о сдержанности в применении силы как общего принципа внешней политики президента США ошибочно.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article contributes to the evolving discussion on general principles of Obama’s foreign policy. It is noted that the thesis on his restraint in taking war decisions results from the analysis of his behavior in the Syrian crisis. The article overviews the history on Obama’s military decision-making in the Afghan crisis in 2009–2011, when this crisis was the top priority for B. Obama. Obama faced the choice between counterterrorism and counterinsurgency and opted for the latter, which implied massive use of force. On</p><p>this basis the author adjusts the thesis on Obama’s restrain in making military decisions. Obama’s views on the use of military force evolved. At the beginning of his presidency the American president was a true believer in military force. He wanted to narrow objectives of use of force, but to increase the force as such. He was sure that necessary force, up to the requests of the military professionals, would effectively achieve limited goals. However, Obama was frustrated with the growing demands of the military. He was reconfirming counterinsurgency with less and less resolution, having to review the strategy. However, he managed to escape the ultimate dilemma on what to do with the reliance on force, which did not justify expectations. After Osama ben Laden was killed, which was not a direct result of the counterinsurgency strategy and was not its goal, Obama de-facto withdrew from commitment to use of force in Afghanistan. Later on Obama was more careful with use of force, in particular in the Syria crisis.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>внешняя политика Обамы</kwd><kwd>внешнеполитическая стратегия США</kwd><kwd>военная мощь</kwd><kwd>война в Афганистане</kwd><kwd>анализ внешней политики</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Obama’s foreign policy</kwd><kwd>general principles of the US foreign policy</kwd><kwd>the US policy in Afghanistan</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Арунова М.Р., Иваненко В.И. Афганская политика США 1945–2014 гг. М.: РИСИ, 2015. 220 с.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Arnoldy B. (2010). Marjah offensive: Q&amp;A on why it matters to Afghanistan war. The Christiane Science Monitor. February 9. 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