Schengen Rules in the Wake of Arab Spring
https://doi.org/10.17994/IT.2016.14.4.47.6
Abstract
By studying the process of reform of the Schengen acquis in 2011-2013 inspired by the Arab Spring and the inflow of migrants to the Mediterranean shores of the European Union, this paper seeks to demonstrate how policy entrepreneurs exploit windows of opportunity that open following an external shock (a notion is used to conceptualize the events of the Arab Spring) in order to fulfill their own preferences, regardless of the substance of the external shock in question. How could it happen that the reform initiated by Italy and France in 2011 to “re-nationalise the Schengen” would in the end turn out to be just the opposite of what they sought to achieve? The article suggests that the major factor which helps explain this is the institutional position of the European Commission which holds exclusive right of legislative initiative, and the fact that by using its position, the Commission was able to win over the European Parliament to its side by effectively making it a veto-player in negotiations with the EU Council, thus trapping the Member States into the “joint decision trap”. The research traces the reform process through all of its stages: starting with the agenda-setting by the Italian authorities who applied alarmist rhetoric trying to securitize the migrants arriving to the Italian shores, proceeding with the choice between alternative solutions proposed by different actors and policy reform initiation, multilateral negotiations between the EU Member States and the European Parliament and, concluding with the adoption of the two legislative acts. The concluding remarks put the case into the broader theoretical perspective of comparative politics.
About the Author
Anna DekalchukRussian Federation
Dr Anna Dekalchuk - Associate Professor, National Research University – Higher School of Economics
St. Petersburg, 198099
References
1. Bachrach P., Baratz M.S. (1963). Decisions and Nondecisions: An Analytical Framework. The American Political Science Review. Vol. 57. No. 3: 632–642. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2307/1952568
2. Bocquillon P., Dobbels M. (2014). An Elephant on the 13th Floor of the Berlaymont? European Council and Commission Relations in Legislative Agenda Setting. Journal of European Public Policy. Vol. 21. No. 1: 20–38. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2013.834548
3. Bolshova N.N. (2016). The rise of anti-islamic protests in Europe under the refugee crisis (case of "Pegida" movement in Germany). Polis. No3. P. 123-137. DOI: 10.17976/jpps/2016.03.10
4. International Trends. Volume 14. No. 4 (47). October-December / 2016
5. Buzan B., Waever O., Wilde J.D. (1998). Security: A New Framework for Analysis. Lynne Rienner Publishers. 252 p.
6. Carrera S., Hernanz N., Parkin J. (2013a). The ‘Lisbonisation’of the European Parliament: Assessing Progress, Shortcomings and Challenges for Democratic Accountability in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. CEPS: Liberty and Security in Europe Series. N 58: 1–44.
7. Carrera S., Hernanz N., Parkin J. (2013b). Local and Regional Authorities and the EU’s External Borders: A Multi-level Governance Assessment of Schengen Governance and ’Smart Borders’. European Union Publications Office. 53 p.
8. Dekalchuk A.A. (2014). Evolyutsiya ponyatiya «vneshniy shok» v razlichnykh traditsiyakh izucheniya politicheskogo kursa [The Concept of External Shock and its Evolution in Different Traditions of Policy Studies]. POLITEKS. Vol. 10. N 1: 208–226.
9. Dinan D. (2013). EU Governance and Institutions: Stresses Above and Below the Waterline. Journal of Common Market Studies. Vol. 51. N s1: 89–102. DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12037
10. Kingdon J.W. (2003). Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies. Longman. 284 p.
11. Koenig N. (2011). The EU and the Libyan Crisis–In Quest of Coherence? The International Spectator. Vol. 46. N 4: 11–30. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.628089
12. Lombardi B. (2011). The Berlusconi Government and Intervention in Libya. The International Spectator. Vol. 46. N 4: 31–44. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.628090
13. Manners I. (2013). The 2012 Danish Presidency of the Council of the European Union: Bridging Exclusion. Journal of Common Market Studies. Vol. 51. N s1: 70–79. DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12056
14. Monar J. (2012). Justice and Home Affairs. Journal of Common Market Studies. Vol. 50. N s2: 116–131. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-5965.2012.02271.x
15. Monar J. (2013). Justice and Home Affairs. Journal of Common Market Studies. Vol. 51. No. s1: 124–138. DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12041
16. Monar J. (2014). Justice and Home Affairs. Journal of Common Market Studies. 2014. Vol. 52. No. s1: 141–156. DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12160
17. Pascouau Y. (2011). Schengen Area under Pressure: Controversial Responses and Worrying Signs. EPC Commentary. P. 1–2.
18. Pascouau Y. (2013). The Schengen Governance Package: The Subtle Balance between Community Method and Intergovernmental Approach. EPC Discussion Paper. P. 1–15.
19. Pascouau Y., McLoughlin S. (2011). Migratory Flows from North Africa: Challenges for the EU. EPC Commentary. P. 1–2.
20. Peers S. (2013). The Future of the Schengen System. SIEPS. No. 6: 1–136.
21. Riker W. H. (1986). The Art of Political Manipulation. Yale University Press. 172 p.
22. Zahariadis N. (2007). The Multiple Streams Framework: Structure, Limitations, Prospects. In: Sabatier P.A. (ed) Theories of the Policy Process. 2nd ed. Westview Press: 65–92.
23. Zahariadis N. (2003). Ambiguity and Choice in Public Policy: Political Decision Making in Modern Democracies. Georgetown University Press. 212 p.
Review
For citations:
Dekalchuk A. Schengen Rules in the Wake of Arab Spring. International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy. 2016;14(4):80–98. (In Russ.) https://doi.org/10.17994/IT.2016.14.4.47.6