Using the course chosen by the Carter administration in relation to the Grenada Revolution as an example, this article examines attempts to reform the foundations of US foreign policy. To explore this issue, the author draws on realist constructivism, which suggests that the definition of national interests and the formation of a state's foreign policy strategy, along with strengthening its power and influence, are underpinned by its desire to preserve its identity and adhere to certain value systems. By legitimizing human rights and transforming them into a principle of respect for national sovereignty, Carter sought to challenge the Monroe Doctrine and the established Cold War practice of interference in the internal affairs of Latin American countries. Examining the imperatives of the US government's decision­making regarding Grenada, the author concludes that, contrary to the widespread opinion in domestic and foreign historiography that the United States chose a path of confrontation with the revolutionary government of Grenada, discrediting it, and undermining the country's economic stability, during Carter's presidency Washington sought to establish a dialogue with the new government of this island state. The case of Grenada, like other Central America and Caribbean nations undergoing domestic political transformation, became embroiled in the internationalized conflicts characteristic of the Cold War. This context provides a critical lens for tracing the logic, contradictions and challenges inherent in Carter’s “moral” foreign policy. This paper illustrates how international dynamics and the balance of domestic political forces in both countries ultimately undermined this strategy, yielding consequences that often contradicted the reforms’ original objectives. Beyond its historical significance, this case offers valuable insights for scholars of International Relations theory. As an empirical study, it underscores the relevance and efficacy of recently proposed theoretical approaches, making it a compelling subject for both historians and IR theorists.

The influence of highly developed criminal organizations, such as gangs and cartels, has expanded dramatically, enabling these entities to exercise forceful territorial control and supplant state authority in affected regions. This phenomenon poses a fundamental threat to state security, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean, where it transcends traditional organized crime. As criminal groups achieve sufficient organizational capacity, resources, and personnel, they evolve into criminal insurgents. This paper conceptualizes criminal insurgencies as a form of non-classical military conflict meeting the criteria for internal armed conflicts. Such insurgencies may proliferate through transnational criminal networks. This study aims to demonstrate, via a case study of a specific transnational criminal network, how the integration of criminal organizations into these networks facilitates the expansion or intensification of criminal insurgencies. Criminal organizations operating in states without pre-existing emergencies, but with conducive conditions can initiate insurgencies through integration into transnational criminal networks. This is attributed to faster evolution of criminal groups by exchanging information, organizational innovations, resources and by providing access to global illegal markets. Conditions for insurgencies emerge even in regions previously unaffected. Using social network analysis, this study maps a transnational criminal network comprising 27 gangs and cartels across six countries. The network’s topology is examined, identifying two subnetworks and the pivotal role of connector nodes. Findings indicate that participation in transnational criminal networks amplifies the spread and intensity of criminal insurgencies, which, as non-classical military conflicts, inflict damage on states and societies comparable to traditional military conflicts. The corruption factor in a number of Latin American and Caribbean countries and the connection of their governments with criminal organizations is shown. The commercial nature of these insurgencies, driven by non-state actors with criminal and economic incentives, underscores their destabilizing potential. Ultimately, the study argues that the foundation of criminal insurgencies lies in the evolutionary dynamics of criminal organizations, with transnational network participation serving as a critical precursor.

The aim of the article is to conduct a micro-level assessment of the effectiveness of Russian-Indian scientific and technological cooperation and to identify the potential for its enhancement through the instruments of science diplomacy. A brief terminological analysis of the concepts of "international scientific and technological cooperation" and "science diplomacy" is presented, outlining their essential characteristics and interrelation. The important role of scientific foundations as institutions of science diplomacy, whose activities are aimed at supporting international scientific and technological cooperation, is highlighted. India was chosen for this study due to its growing global influence in science and innovation, as well as the existing potential for expanding scientific and technological cooperation with Russia in the current geopolitical landscape. The research was conducted by surveying the leaders of Russian-Indian scientific projects that received grant funding from the RSF and RFBR (now RNF) between 2009 and 2024. The total number of such projects is 490. The overall sample consisted of 51 respondents, including 35 Indian and 16 Russian scientists. According to the results obtained, financial support is a determining factor for initiating Russian-Indian scientific and technological cooperation. Informal communication channels between scientists of the two countries play a significant role in establishing scientific ties. The main factors hindering cooperation include insufficient funding, differences in requirements (including performance indicators), and geopolitical risks. In some cases, after the grant ends, cooperation ceases or is reduced to academic correspondence, demonstrating its temporary and superficial nature. The systematization and concentration of efforts by Russia and India in the field of science diplomacy should be aimed both at supporting new scientific and technological links and at ensuring their long-term sustainability.