The crisis of statehood in the Middle East was caused by factors not uncommon for the contemporary international developments, but specifically refracted in the context of the original cultures of the peoples and countries of the region. The protests in the Arab States, signifying the pain of gaining civic self-esteem and dignity; crisis of secularism; attempts to repel imposed identities and a search for the cultural roots can be attributed to the mainstream global trends, but in the forms corresponding to the specific organization of Arab societies. The formation of modern Arab States experienced the powerful impact of the Western nationalism, but the adoption of Western ideologies went hand in hand with rejection of Western models of social inclusion. A special place in the region is taken by Israel built in compliance with the Western political model, although, also partially revised under the influence of ethnopolitical considerations and security challenges. The coexistence of tradition and modernity not only in the social structure of Middle Eastern societies, but also in the minds of citizens and their behavioral patterns are correlated with the level of development of modern institutions, which are either weak or nonexistent in a number of Arab States. The prospects of nation building that would respond to the public expectations, based on the synthesis of modernist and postmodernist discourses, of modernity and archaism are not yet clear. An appeal to religion and its politicization may be an important but not necessarily uncontested element of searching for new models of statehood in the region.

Digitization of all social life processes has become a real phenomenon at the present stage of the human civilization development. Two basic conditions, i.e. transition to a new technological mode and modification of globalization trends (political, economic, technological) sets before all the countries of the world the objective to adequately respond to these new realities. There are two major schools of thought regarding the digitization role and place in the world industrial production within the innovation development concepts. One of them interprets the current stage of implementation of information and technological achievements as evolutionary, the other one as revolutionary. The second approach is predominant, within the framework of which the concept of the fourth industrial revolution was formed due to the rapid and complex nature of the ongoing economic and related social transformations. The digital economy is considered as the basis of the fourth industrial revolution, because the switch of the core technology is clearly seen under its influence and there are signs of a shift in the technical and economic paradigm. Digital technologies have become a reality of all forms of international relations. The concept of digital diplomacy has been developed, meaning the use of these new technologies to solve foreign policy problems. The digital economy development is the result of information and communication technologies (ICT) adoption in all spheres of economic life. Such areas as the Internet of Things, Industrial Internet, big data, cloud computing, e-commerce promote the use of new technologies and forms of business organization, increase the competitiveness of products, enhance public administration, raise the living standards of the population. The widespread ICT adoption is today one of the most important conditions for development of national economies of all countries. Simultaneously with positive effects of the digital economy, new challenges emerged, and the reaction to them is to be developed at the nation-wide level. The study of international experience is of great importance for the digital economy development in Russia and implementation of the EAEU digital agenda. The study is conducted of the basis of U.S. (Digital Economy Agenda) and Indian (Digital India) programs, Chinese action plan Internet Plus and the Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe.

Transition towards sustainable development and green economy is one of the leading trends in international systems. Russia, although, it formulated and has implemented its strategy in this area, remains on the sidelines of the process. Meanwhile, international economic ties under certain conditions can become an important catalyst of general economic advancement and building of green economy. The purpose of the article is to outline the role of Russia in international cooperation in the sphere of green economy by analyzing its quantitative and qualitative involvement in international trade of environmental goods, flow of green foreign direct investments (FDI) and related scientific and technological exchanges. The research hypothesis is that Russia’s involvement in green international economic ties might foster its economic growth as well as improve its quality. Currently, Russia’s involvement in international economic ties in the sphere of green economy is on a relatively low scale. Russia is more involved into world green imports rather than related exports. Its share in world exports of environmental goods is marginal, despite some growth in the share of environmental exports in the national exports of goods in the last decade. The number of green projects on the territory of Russia realized by foreign partners so far remains insufficient. A promising recipient of FDI in Russian economy is renewable energy sector. Renewables are also in the main focus of related scientific and technological exchange. The article reveals that Russia has competitive advantages in two commodity groups. Key importers of these environmental goods are Belarus, Russia and India. Thus, in order to increase Russia’s involvement in international economic ties in the sphere of green economy it is worth developing a set of export incentives for environmental goods, which show competitive advantages for Russia internationally, and to attract FDI into those sectors.

International alliances represent agreements between states, which identify parameters of their political and military cooperation in the event of an armed conflict, as well as cooperative practices on the basis of such documents. The theory of international relations paid substantial attention throughout the entire Cold War towards the processes of their creation and operation, as well as their influence on the international security environment. Nevertheless, in the 1990s –2010s research on these issues received new impetus as a result of a more consistent structuring of historical record, greater accumulation of relevant data and active introduction of quantitative techniques. The current analytical review is designed to disclose the main achievements of the theory of international alliances, which on the basis of an analysis of extensive historical experience, reveals the main regulations governing evolution of such associations. It consistently systematizes recent findings on their functions and reasons for creating international alliances. It then explores the issue of reliability in formal military alliances, which for a long time was considered to be problematic. It also touches upon circumstances under which these agreements are terminated or abrogated. The article, finally, assesses the impact of alliances on international conflicts. In conclusions, the author identifies remaining gaps and possible directions for further development of studies on alliances. The current review enables to conclude that studies of alliances are currently structured around a mature and productive research program. However, major developments in the study of international alliances throughout the 1990s – 2010s remained a product of a significant narrowing of a research focus. Given it reliance on particular available databases, scholars limited their studies mostly to the study of formal provisions in alliances. As a result, they not only refrained from testing applicability of their conclusions for the more informal coalitions, but also overlooked broader effect of alliances on cooperation between states.

The current article aims to confirm and conceptualize existence of the “Russian-speaking economy abroad”. This term covers the system of economic institutions and relations, built upon the use of Russian language, which is its main integrative factor and a major pillar for development of its components. Its primary objectives are related to the needs of the Russian-speaking migrants as well as to the trade, investment and tourist ties between their host country and Russia. The current article is based on a broad empirical research, using qualitative methods (such as deep interviews with migrants and experts), based on materials collected by authors in several sociological expeditions to multiple countries. The article describes political and economic aspects of integration of Russian-speaking migrants in host countries through the mechanisms of Russian-speaking economy. Building upon interviews and study of the local press, it discloses the processes of adaptation of migrants through the Russian-speaking sectors of local labor markets abroad. The scale of Russian-speaking economy in a particular country depend on the number of people using Russian language in their daily lives in it, as well as from the number of tourists. Although, Russian-speaking population most of the times does not create geographically localized areas of habilitation, the few existing examples of such areas provide the most vivid examples of Russianspeaking economy. Therefore, the article focuses on three cases: Brighton Beach in New York (the United States), Pattaya and Phuket (Thailand) and Nachang and Vungtau (Vietnam). They enable to identify major institutions of the Russian-speaking economy. Using these and other examples the article systematize the patterns of integration of Russian-speaking migrants in host countries through the channels of Russian-speaking economy. It also proves that existence of this economic system promotes migration from Russia and other countries of the former Soviet Union.

The paper traces the evolution of counter-terrorism measures both on national (on the example of the US and Western European states) and international levels from the beginnings of the XXth century till the present. This retrospective analysis is built on the assumption that counter-terrorism is in its basic nature a politics of response to terrorist threats. In this paper its development is analyzed in combination with a study of a changing nature of terrorism during the same period of time. Because it is simply impossible to present an integral vision of all dimensions of change and their influence on the respective counterterrorism practices it was chosen to analyze 'the both sides of the coin' from one particular perspective: territorial and (geo)spatial. Indeed, the question about 'territoriality' of terrorism seems to be an underdeveloped and therefore a perspective field of study. So, from 'territorial' and 'spatial' perspective many major terrorist campaigns in the first half of the XXth century were strictly bound to clearly defined territorial context. Hence, the counter-terrorist measures often were part of more broaden counterinsurgency strategies that combined 'hard' (military) and 'soft' (protection and providing aid to noncombatants, civil population) approaches. After the WWII the terrorist threat evolved rapidly. In the 1960s international terrorism with its roots in conflict zones manifested itself as a distinctive threat through numerous ‘hostages ’dramas’. At the same time Western states were challenged by domestic ideologically motivated terrorist groups that didn’t have any territorial control and were dependent on ‘social geography’ and interpersonal networks. In response to ‘extraterritorial’ terrorist violence ‘law-enforcement’ counterterrorism models were modified and further developed at national levels. But on the international level cooperation in counter-terrorism continued to be limited until the late 1990s. However, only after 9/11  terrorism was defined by the UN Security Council as a threat to international peace and security. That threat was more serious than ever before because of its ‘combined’ nature. It resulted from a symbiosis of ‘territorial’ and ‘networked’ (global and extraterritorial) forms of terrorist violence. As a response the UN Security Council reacted with a lot of resolutions that constituted modern global regime in counterterrorism security. During the 2000s it was focused on sanctions and denying terrorists an access to resources (financial, etc.). But in the 2010s it’s evolving towards more overwhelming and comprehensive regime of surveillance and ‘scanning’ terrorist threats on the ‘micro’-level.

The article analyzes the specifics of securitization and regional behavior of powers. Using the case of Russia’s policy during the current Ukrainian crisis and applying the conceptual system of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, the concept of securitization and the Regional Security Complexes Theory in particular, the author highlights the peculiarities of this process in powers and its relations with their regional identity and security policy. Accordingly the author defines the structure of the article, its sections that consider the problem’s key aspects: the concept of securitization, its impact on the states’ security policy and interstate relations on the global and regional system levels, the respective theoretical approaches; the concept of power, its main features and distinctions from ordinary states; the regional affiliation of state, the specifics of powers’ involvement into regions; the regional security system in the post-Soviet space, the place and role of Russia, her interests and policy in the region, main issues and dynamics of Russia-Ukraine relations; the Ukrainian crisis and its securitization in Russia, the respective role of the political elite and society; the regional policy of Russia as compared to other involved powers’ policy; securitization in different political regimes. In the author’s opinion, the process of securitization in powers is accompanied by comprehension of their special transboundary capabilities, needs and greatpower values from the standpoint of national security. This is reflected in powers’ sometimes extraordinary activities outside their official territory, which explains the use in their political practice the concepts like “zone of vital interests”, “regions of privileged interests” and others. Hence, considering such zones of powers’ interests it is expedient to use the concept of securitized region. By contrast to the standard securitization process oriented mainly to the specific, short-term phenomenon (military aggression, terrorists attacks, natural hazards) in the case of powers this process can be characterized by sustained perception of certain external areas from the standpoint of key security interests and accompanied by extraordinary reaction to the political crises therein and involvement of other powers.

The article is aimed at the analysis of labour migration to the People’s Republic of China in the beginning of the 21st century. This process has been developing rapidly since the end of the 1970s. In recent decades, the migration flow to China has increased dramatically, both in the sphere of the unskilled labour and in hi-tech industry, as well as in tertiary activity. Labour migration has already become a factor of China’s economic development. While Russian area specialists and international relations experts have successfully studied the migration processes inside China, little research has been done on the labour migratnts from abroad in China. The authors pay attention to such aspects as the composition of migration flow to China, the areas of migrants’ activity, the special features of the legal framework and the attitude of Chinese society towards migrants. The research is based on Chinese and other sources such as statistics, legal framework, non-governmental organisations’ reports and mass media. The authors conclude that China, in spite of considerable positive developments in the regulation of migration processes and gaining benefits from migrants’ employment for national economy and development, particularly in hi-tech industry, has not found solution for a number of problems in this sphere. The list of these problems includes social vulnerability of the migrants, human rights violations; lack of possibility to protect their rights; different  types of crime, discrimination and xenophobia. The situation is to a large extent influenced by specific disapproval of foreigners, rooted in civilisational mentality of the Chinese society. Its specific attitude towards foreigners involves the rejection of their values and of their way of living. At the same time, this attitude is combined with the ambitions of the government and businessmen to continue the use of migrant labour in order to reach their goals in a shorter time and with a considerable cost cutting.

Discussions about the crisis of peacemaking are an important part of a broader discussion of ways and means of reforming the UN. A new stage in the evolution of peacekeeping is associated with the developing of the concept of "responsibility to protect," which has been widely recognized by world community. At the same time, the concept provokes ambiguous assessments, since the problem of proportional and legitimate use of military force has not been resolved. In practice one can observe the politicization of the concept resulting in the use of the concept as umbrella to hide other political goals of the states concerned. However, despite the general recognition of many organizational, institutional and conceptual shortcomings, it has not yet been possible to agree on further steps towards reform. This is confirmed by the emergence of a large number of groups consisting of UN member states who involved in discussions around the peacekeeping. Such an international forum could be the BRICS, whose members show considerable interest in the problem of the effectiveness of peacekeeping. In order to understand the prospects for Russia's cooperation with BRICS partners, the positions of Russia, China, India, Brazil and South Africa regarding to the concept of "responsibility to protect" developed within the UN framework are being studied. The article shows that the BRICS states share a number of provisions that include to prevent of a voluntary interpretation of the UN Security Council resolutions at the implementation stage, to develop clear criteria for the use of military force, to establish mechanisms for peacekeeping operations monitoring, to involve regional organizations in UN peacekeeping more actively. At the same time, there are differences between the BRICS states when they interpret the "responsibility to protect". This can be explained by specifics features of their political history and culture, particular regional interests and variety of domestic political factors. Thus, within BRICS there is a platform for cooperation and coordination of activities in UN. At the same time, Russia and China demonstrate the most leading and consistent position with regard to the concept of "responsibility to protect".

A book review: Юрiй Мацiєвський. У пастцi гiбрiдностi: зигзаги трансформацiй полiтичного режиму в Українi (1991–2014). Чернiвцi: Книги – XXI, 2016. 552 c.

A book review: Joshua D. Kertzer. Resolve in International Politics. Princeton, Oxford. Princeton University Press, 2016. 243 p.

One of the most important events in the history of international relations in the first half of the 20th century was a conflict on the CER 1929. Among the unexplored issues of the history of this conflict remains the problem of evaluation of Soviet policy by the left political parties. The conflict on the CER had a special significance for the headed by Stalin Bolshevik party, representing the interests of the Russian state and struggling with other political forces for world leadership. The conflict on the CER occurred at the time when the contradictions between Bolshevik slogans and real practice, between Stalinists and their rivals in the struggle for leadership in the communist movement escalated. Due to the established Stalinist monopoly within the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and the Comintern, which was under the control of Moscow, in 1929 there was no conflict of opinion. However, the Bolsheviks followed attentively the discussions that had taken place throughout the world between various political forces of communist and socialist orientation. The closest ally of the CPSU(b.) was the CCP. The Chinese working in the Comintern were among the ideologists of the Bolshevik policy towards the CER. But inside the Communist Party of China there was no unity on the issue of the Soviet policy on the CER. It is not by chance that following the results of the Soviet-Chinese conflict of 1929, the most consistent supporters of the Bolsheviks, like the opponents of I.V. Stalin, were removed from the leadership of the CCP. Among the major opposition of politicians to the Soviet leadership, the closest in their political views to I.V. Stalin was L.D. Trotsky who among the few communist leaders almost fully supported Soviet policy. Communist parties and groups have ambiguously evaluated the Soviet policy on the Conflict on the CER. In general, Stalin's policy was supported by War  van Overstraeten, William Gallacher, or Pollitt. Most known communists, such as Robert Louzon, Heinrich Brandler or Hugo Urbahns, did not support Soviet policy. The split over the evaluation of Soviet politics occurred among the Communists of all European countries. But in general, communist parties and groups in Europe in 1929 were unanimous in their opinion on the inadmissibility of using military force to resolve the Conflict on the CER. Unlike the Communists, the socialists of the whole world, including the Russian Social Democrats, unambiguously assessed the policy of the USSR on the CER. And only non-Marxist left-wing forces, like the majority of right-wing bourgeois organizations in the West, supported the Bolsheviks in their policy of forcibly returning control over the CER. Despite the fact that inside the world communist and socialist movement there were different views and assessments of the policy of the Bolsheviks. The Soviet-Comintern propaganda declared all Marxists who did not recognize as the leader I.V. Stalin the main culprits of all the foreign policy problems of the Soviet Union

The instrumentalization of a factor of the Soviet threat by the federal chancellor Conrad Adenauer is considered in the article. The assessment by Adenauer of foreign policy opportunities and chances of Germany from the beginning of cold war is reconstructed. As main sources base the sources of a personal origin, especially public statements are used. Adenauer sought to use the growth of contradictions between the USSR and the western allies for the entry of Germany into the western system of the unions. Actions of the chancellor on rational application of the conflict the East-West for the western integration are considered on the examples of the use of precedent of the Korean war, inclusion of Germany in containment doctrines of communism, support of the ideas of "Christian Abendland's rescue". From the beginning of the Korean war Adenauer, significantly exaggerating the threat, addressed to the western powers with a request of additional guarantees of the safety meaning inclusion of Germany in the western defensive alliance. The chancellor emphasized Asian essence of the Soviet totalitarian empire, opposing it the free people of Christian Europe, continued repeating about the need of collective repulse to the Soviet threat, assigned a special part on a front line of Cold war to the Western Germany. Both foreign policy steps and Adenauer's initiatives, and techniques of internal political promotion for designing of public opinion are considered in the article. The chancellor used anticommunism in internal political fight as the instrument of consolidation of society round the ideas, round the party, opposing it something alien and hostile, constantly speaking about danger. Thus Adenauer consciously simplified the situation, overestimated a military-political component of the Soviet danger. As a result of the analysis the anticommunism, an anti-Soviet course by identification of exaggeration of threat, a demonizing of an image of the USSR is defined as functional, stimulating aspect of the German western integration.

Lack of economic growth in Russia throughout 2014­2017 increased technological gap with the developed countries and created difficulties for an ambitious strategy of rapid transition to an innovative economy. That strategy is also hampered by high institutional barriers, which are a consequence of both the archaic institutions within the country and the properties of a global innovation system, which remains highly dependent on international politics. Consequently, international channels of technological transfer became increasingly ineffective and they are in need of restricting for the new challenges of national development.

The article assesses the opportunities for implementing the catching­up strategy through introduction of changes in the mechanisms of inter­firm and international diffusion of innovations. An attempt is made to reveal new directions in international technology transfer. The article, therefore, produced the scholarly justification for the choice of particular transfer channels, for which it is possible to eliminate or reduce institutional barriers and to correct the directions of external relations. The transmission channels of implicit knowledge, including the mobility of scientific and engineering personnel, is argued to play the leading role in this process. The advantages of a partial reorientation of technology transfer from the West to the East are shown, in particular, by the example of the Chinese catch­up strategy.