It is fashionable to claim “the end of history”. As the times of classical wars seem to be over, many scholars – particularly Alexandre Kojève – argue that we currently face “the end of international relations”. This article argues the opposite, that is to say that we are now confronted with the real beginning of international relations, and even of “intersocial relations”, in which social actors and individuals are more and more involved. Such an analysis is also a way of reinterpreting the dawn of IR as a discipline, its debates and tensions, its present transformations. The article questions the traditional typology of IR theories, and points out correlations between theoretical challenges and changes or evolutions of history. It is also a way of shedding light on what could be considered, in such a chaos, the French approach to International Relations. Is it only the French touch or the basis of a new paradigm? The article criticises the previous domination of American realism, which was built on an essentially conflictual vision of international interactions. While, throughout history several alternative approaches attempted to challenge Realism, they appeared too weak to do so in a meaningful way. The global transformations since the end of the “Cold War” open opportunities for a substantial reconstruction of IR studies, in order to incorporate the growing contribution of intersocial interactions and non-state actors in World politics.

The article deals with the theoretical problem of enquiry into external factors influencing the emergence and behavior of political elite. The author educes structural and subjective characteristics of political elite concept which provides means for scrutinizing the resources, interests, goals and behavior of political elite in dynamic trends. This approach allows logically to connect foreign factors with the concepts of resource availability and international niche occupied by a state controlled by its political elite. Consideration of these factors allows to comprehensively uncover multifaceted motivation and often non-linear causal relationships which determine the behavior of political elite, its tactical and strategic decisions. The effectiveness of governance by a political elite, its sustainability and internal stability depend to a major extent on the stability of state institutions. The resources provided to a political elite depend not merely on the situation within state borders, but also on the character and forms of elite interactions with external political environment. These interactions and relations can to contribute either to an expansion of the resource base or its depletion. The paper proposes an approach towards the study of elites based on the synthesis of elite theory, neoinstitutionalism, and international relations theory. This contributes to the productive development of the field comprising internal and external factors influencing political elite establishment and its political choices. The proposed theoretical framework can be subsequently developed with respect to specific political problems involving political elites as main actors. Implementation of the proposed approach can be done through defining structural and subject features of the political elite and generating relevant variables. Structural features of the political elite can be analyzed through the lens of composition, cohesion and circulation of political elite on the basis of qualitative and quantitative methods. Political elite subject features can be identified by scrutinizing political elite interactions with other actors in internal and external political environment on the basis of the following variables: functioning of political institutions (party system, state apparatus, etc.), and balance of forces and interests of the actors.

The article discusses the challenges of trust to scientific knowledge which emerged in the qualitatively new nonlinear social realities that accompany global risks. The author analyzes the social and cultural origins of trust, its development in the context of complex risks, which are studied through formal-logical, subject-psychological and cultural approaches. We consider challengers to the trust in knowledge of risks that emerge in the realities of risk society. The lack of trust is explained by the dysfunctions and vulnerabilities of theoretical monism. The author focuses in particular on the effects of the transition from risk society to global risk society in which staging global risks are becoming a new norm. The article uses the framework developed by the German sociologist Ulrich Beck to identify new approaches to risk and its perception. U. Beck sees the answer to the emerging challenges to the credibility of scientific knowledge in the cosmopolitan methodology which is institutionalized in a “new critical theory”, which gives rather valid interpretations of the nature of new risks. The article demonstrates the potential of the new theoretical and methodological instruments involving integration of social and natural sciences, to analyze the emerging risk realities. The author provides his perspective on the widening of the interdisciplinary approach by including in it the theoretical developments of humanities. This will initiate a shift towards the formation of the complex trust including all types of knowledge which would provide more beneficial opportunities for adequate risk perception than the initial models introduced by U. Beck.

During the last two and a half decades Germany worked its way up to the successful development of green energy: the percent of renewable energy in the electric power consumption shot up, the renewable energy sector took shape, and the development of green energy is supported by all parties and the wider population. Based on the theories of norm establishment as well as analytical and theoretical works about the role of different factors in the development of green energy the author analyses its development in Germany and the influence of social-economic factors on different stages. The author concludes that at different norm establishment stages different social-economic factors played a leading role. Consequently, it is not possible to say that Germany’s success is due to one of among them. On the contrary there was a synergetic effect during a long time. The author demonstrates that at an early stage of norm elaboration the key role was played by public opinion. When the norm was introduced and approved by the actors the state started to play the key role, created the needed conditions and consolidated the interest groups. The economic motivations played an ambivalent role: on the one hand without economic resources development couldn’t take place, on the other, led by the greed for gain some interest groups plead for its expansion. The consolidation of support groups and the establishment of the renewable energy sector can be explained by the German law and institutions. The federal state structure prevents fast institutional changes and once approved a law is difficult to change or abolish. This lead to an unexpected growth of expenditure on renewable energy. Security considerations (power supply without cuts) didn't play on the stage of norm establishment a important role, but after the norm was approved and the amount of green energy increased they became more prominent. The German case shows that on the international level there is now an actor pressing for environmental responsibility in energy sector, but whether the norm will be adopted in other countries in the same shape depends on many factors.

The article is devoted to the study of the international political and academic discourse concerning the origins, nature, and implications of domino theory in U.S. foreign policy. It presents the game-theoretic and rational foundations of domino theory, the cases of its use as a tool for rationalizing U.S. foreign policy throughout the past fifty years, as well as the criticism of the representatives of the global academic community regarding its application. In the course of the study a conclusion is made about the simplicity and high effectiveness of domino theory that earned it popularity among the American foreign policy elite. Domino theory acquired the most recognition due to the fact that its effectiveness could only be determined by the hypothetical possibility of U.S. intervention. In contrast to the balance of power principle taking into account the strategic behavior of a large number of actors and the current state of the international environment, domino theory suggested only two possible behavior options for the U.S. in resolving internal political conflicts in other states. Domino theory eventually became ideologized, which made it extremely controversial. Its controversial nature led to the emergence within the political and academic community of several groups offering their own vision of the meaning and significance of this conceptual framework. The largest group comprises “universalists”, who believe that the domino effect is a universal theory similar to the balance of power principle, while the “historicists” see the theory as only a local U.S. foreign policy strategy of the Cold War era.

This paper reviews the impact of immigration policy on the competitiveness of countries in the context of “the global race for talent”. Immigration policy is regarded as one of the key tools to attract highly skilled migrants. Two basic models of selection policy mostly applied by states are distinguished: “demand driven” and “supply-driven”. A new trend of recent years is emphasized – transition to “hybrid” immigration regimes, which allows to use the strengths of both models and to be more responsive to the needs of national labor markets. However, convergence of immigration regimes does not lead to the coordination of skilled migration policies on the European or at international level. Conversely, it tends to enhance the competition between countries. Even at the EU level there is no full harmonization in immigration policies and issues of channels and quota admission of economic migrants remain in the competence of the Member states. Under “hybridization” of immigration regimes and increased “race for talent” there are more significant factors beyond the scope of immigration policy linked with political, social, economic, scientific, educational and cultural spheres: language, culture, development opportunities, salary, quality of life, professional management, access to quality higher education. As a result of a number of Russian governmental initiatives taken in recent years (the abolition of the quota to simplify HSM’s admission procedures, the introduction of a point system for granting a residence permit), Russia's immigration policy has become more selective and focused on highly-skilled migrants. However, for attracting and retaining talents structural measures have become increasingly significant. These include increasing competitiveness of Russian universities, development of a meritocratic and competitive environment in professional activity, multicultural practices in social life.

In the 1990s, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) positioned itself as the protagonist of a new approach towards trade and economic cooperation based on the principles of open regionalism and compliance with WTO rules. However, APEC member economies’ disappointment with unilateral trade and investment liberalization along with the failed Doha round of WTO trade negotiations have resulted in a rapid emergence of bilateral and sub-regional preferential trade agreements in Asia-Pacific.  Preferential trade agreements are discriminatory by their very nature as they facilitate liberalization of trade and investment only within a limited group of economies (parties to such agreements) and retain trade barriers towards the third countries. Therefore, preferential trade agreements depart from the fundamental principles of APEC, foremost from the key principle – open regionalism. The growing number of preferential trade agreements undermines APEC principles and erodes the WTO global trade system. APEC members have tacitly acknowledged their failure to achieve the Bogor goals, set in 1994, to establish free trade and investment area by 2010 for developed economies and by 2020 for developing economies. In order to strengthen and improve APEC’s standing in the global trade system, its members are considering  the possibility  of signing a formal legally binding agreement establishing the Free Trade Area of Asia Pacific (FTAAP) which, however, will likely damage APEC’s unique goal of promoting voluntary and unilateral regional trade liberalization in a way which is not discriminatory to the third parties. Yet, FTAAP is unlikely to succeed in the near future because of economic and geopolitical rivalry between two largest economies of Asia-Pacific and the world – the US and China. Each of them is pursuing the goal of creating its own sub-regional trade grouping (US-dominated Trans Pacific Partnership and China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership) founded on the rules imposed by a relevant economic and political leader and purposely excluding its rival. The US-China rivalry in AsiaPacific makes any comprehensive regional free trade area dysfunctional. Therefore, two sub-regional trade blocks centered on the US and China, with various regional economies being simultaneously members of both blocks, will determine the architecture of trade relations in Asia-Pacific for some time to come while APEC will be further marginalized.

The author analyses institualization of Islam in France, concentrating on two key aspects of the process: the rise of mechanisms for promotion of Muslim interests and the effect of competing foreign influences. Contrary to widespread opinion the Muslim community in France has not yet been fully established due to ethnic and ideological fragmentation. Thus, defense of religious rights becomes ethnicised. The French authorities remain unwilling to get involved in the organisation and financial issues related to the activities of religious institutions. The situation is favourable to various foreign actors aspiring to use these institutions in order to achieve their political objectives. Viewing religion as a tool for political influence they are trying to maintain loyalty of emigrants by financing mosques and exporting specially prepared imams that will spread various interpretations of Islam. This rivalry also affects the institualization of Islam that could be considered as a political and legal dimension of Muslim integration into French society. Due to this fact it is important to examine the activity of the “Democratic Union for French Muslims”, which is a political party founded in 2012. The Union appears to be a step forward in comparison with the Muslim parties of 1997 and 2009. As a higher stage of institualization the party fits well into the French political landscape owing to the absence of religious dogmas in its programme and its attempt to suggest social and economic solutions to the existing problems. Due to the particularities mentioned above the party is able to consolidate Muslims what would lead to the establishment of a more influential Muslim lobby.

 The article examines the influence of bipartisan groups of U.S. experts headed by Joseph Nye and Richard Armitage on the development and adaption of defence and foreign policy decisions in Japan related to the U.S.-Japanese alliance. Since the early 1990s, the international landscape changed dramatically due to the conclusion of the Cold War. This transformation affected U.S.-Japanese relations. The 1990s even witnessed attempts of Tokyo to distance itself from Washington. However, the rise of the new threats from North Korean nuclear and missile programmes, Chinese rearmament and international terrorism created a new rationale for the bilateral alliance. The article analyses reports written by Nye and Armitage in 1995, 2000, 2007 and 2012. It shows that key ideas of the American reports have been incorporated by the Japanese government and taken into the drafting of documents on Japanese security policy and Japan-US military and political cooperation. It concludes that U.S. experts provided the conceptual framework for the alliance development, in which priority is given to maintaining the Japan-US security system in Asia Pacific not only to ensure the security of Japan but also to maintain peace and stability in the region; promoting Tokyo’s greater involvement and contribution to American activities in the region that include Japan’s participation in the U.S. ballistic missile defence program, peacekeeping, and search and rescue operations. As a result of the reforms, Japan has to bear higher responsibility within the alliance. This redistribution is a part of broader U.S. efforts to increase the contribution of its allies across Asia to the maintaining of the American-centered regional order.

The article provides a detailed analysis of the biographies of the Georgian diplomatic elite. It considers the educational background, age, gender composition, and career trajectories which are typical for Georgian Deputies Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Ambassadors and Representatives in International Organizations. The failure of M. Saakashvili's party in the 2012 elections did not result in changing patterns of recruitment of Georgian diplomatic staff. A significant number of Georgian top diplomats have been educated in Western Universities in the field of law and international relations. This has contributed to their critical attitude towards Russia and shaped a powerful emotional alignment with the West. The article argues that the Georgian diplomatic corps is largely socialized through particular educational standards and shared ideological views that guarantee a quick promotion in public service. Focus on these attributes in selecting high-ranking diplomats became a conscious choice of the Georgian political leadership since 2004, which was made to institutionalize a specific political agenda. The author concludes that education in Western Universities and practical engagement in the activities of Western NGOs as well as think tanks tend to serve as a critical means to form the anti-Russian attitude among Georgian high-ranked diplomats and politicians and at the same time it facilitates drawing the Georgian elite into the Western orbit of influence. The qualitative analysis of the educational background of Georgian diplomats and their career paths illustrates how much they differ from their Russian counterparts. The author supposes that the fact can to some extent explain the current tensions in Russian-Georgian relations and will pre-determine lingering contradictions and friction between Moscow and Tbilisi, which harms both sides.

Effective development of any country is impossible without a competitive economy. One of the main ways to solve existing problems in the national economy is to achieve a high level of competitiveness. The current international trends are globalization and internationalization and the worsening of economic, trade and political relations among countries, especially with Russia – calls for national economies to struggle for the best place in the rankings of global competitiveness. Despite the introduction of economic sanctions against Russia by a number of countries, primarily by the United States and Western Europe, and a sharp drop in world oil prices, the general downturn in the economy and a number of other problems, the Russian economy has managed to improve its position in the global competitiveness ranking compiled by the World Economic Forum in 2015 and get into the top 50 countries in the world. The main purpose of the article is to analyze the competitive advantages of Russia and the factors that negatively affect the Russian economy, which determine the country's position in the ranking of global competitiveness. The objective of this paper is to analyze the ranking methodology, the dynamics of Russia's position in the ranking, as well as to reveal the factors of success and failures of the Russian economy. The Russian economy was analyzed by the means of the 114 indicators that form the basis of global competitiveness ranking. The study finds the factors having allowed Russia to rise by 22 position points and reach the 45th place out of 140 countries in the ranking of global competitiveness, as well as identifies obstacles to the full realization of the competitive potential of the Russian economy and the efficient use of Russia's competitive advantages.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the Russian-Czech economic relations under the new economic and political conditions, emerged due to the Ukraine crisis. While in the 1990s Russian-Czech economic relations were affected by divergent political aspirations, since Prague’s accession to the EU, it has devoted itself to the development of trade and bilateral investment with Russian counterparts. However, since the global financial crisis of 2008 the parties have been facing difficulties in the deepening of their cooperation. The sanctions introduced by the EU in 2014 and the responsive measures that Moscow has undertaken, as well as other related factors (such as a weakening of the Russian currency and economy in general) have contributed to the slowing down of trade and investment partnerships. The article pays special attention to the mutual trade between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation. The author selects the key changes in the structure and volume of mutual trade between two countries and notes the main reasons for the existing situation. The article addresses the current situation with mutual foreign direct investments in the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation during imposed sanctions. Key investment projects of 2014 are described in the article as well as the main strategies of investment behavior of Russian and Czech companies in corresponding markets. The author demonstrates that while some players attempted to use the situation to increase their share on the market, others contracted their operations. The unfavorable economic environment affected primarily nonindustrial sectors.

Interview with Olga Butorina.

Today’s armed conflicts are becoming increasingly asymmetric in character, which is clearly demonstrated by the conflicts in Afghanistan, Chechnya, Libya, Yemen and Somalia. Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) are acknowledged as one of the most commonly used and highly technological means of conducting warfare in such type of conflicts. At the same time, their usage fuels discussion on the effectiveness and necessity of this technology employed by the United States and members of the international anti-terrorist coalition. Today the U.S. retains global leadership both in the production of drones and their military applications. However, there are no optimal methods for collecting and verifying information about UAV air strikes that would provide data for their combat effectiveness assessment. In the view of application of this technology for targeted killing of terrorists, questions of ethics and international humanitarian law are also on the agenda. Experts express opinions that the widespread usage of drones only aggravates the asymmetric character of modern conflicts and does not prevent them. Previously drones were used for surveillance and obtaining intelligence, but now are more and more often employed for combat missions as semi-autonomous weapons. Hence, in the first part of the article the authors suggest a possible methodology to define the combat effectiveness of UAV strikes and in the second part - analyze legal and ethical questions connected with the use of this type of weapon. They identify that the attitude towards the UAVs in the places of their deployment and operation becomes increasingly hostile. Meanwhile, some of the U.S. allies have become critical of their operations. The American public have a positive take on UAVs and appreciate their contribution to the decrease of the nation’s military losses. Henceforth, U.S. experts are attempting to establish a legal justification for the drones due to their political utility.

The article substantiates the relevance of the sanctions policy as an instrument of international relations and inter-state interactions, explores the political, economic and legal essence of international sanctions, their purpose, tasks, types and features, systematized nomenclature of the various forms of sanctions impact, the illegality of unilateral methods in circumvention of the UN and other international structures and the discriminatory sanctions against the Russian Federation and other States. Consideration of  legitimate and illegal, beneficial and negative impact of the sanctions has become the subject of intense debate not only in expert and political environment, but in society in general. However, in domestic science, including public administration, this subject is still the exception. The need for such research is extremely relevant, especially in terms of scientific substantiation of practical recommendations. The author argues that unilateral sanctions are a reflection of the deep differences not only between countries but also between different civilizations and different social class systems. The article presents the principled Russian position on the choice of forms of legal reasoning and application in modern international practice of sanctions limitations, their positive and negative consequences. Attention is drawn to the conditions under which sanctions are justified and shall become effective instruments of political, economic, power and even the propaganda on the country ignoring or not wishing to fulfill the assumed obligations in accordance with international law, including humanitarian law. Considerable attention is focused on the analysis of unilateral sanctions sectoral nature, which, with its negative impact on the economy, cutting back on investment, are destroying the markets. The sanctions reduce access to the newest technology. All this requires a serious forecast of the development of adequate measures and sanctions response. Also addressed are the handling limits and global leadership of one or more powers, the validity of the instruments used to neutralize the negative manifestations of unilateral dominance, the effectiveness of various forms of international cooperation in a spirit of harmony and constructive interaction. The authors also present the generalizations and conclusions related to the anticyclonic component of the system of public administration.

A book review: Фененко А.В. Современная история международных отношений. 1991–2015. Москва: Изд-во «Аспект Пресс», 2015. 384 с.

A book review: Zimmermann Н., Dur A. (eds.) Key Controversies in European Integration. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. 262 p.