The article is dedicated to formation of a new geopolitical reality – International Science and Technology Relations. It reviews theoretical and historic aspects of ISTR formation and conditions of their development in 21st century. The authors rely on the theory of long economic cycles (Kondratiev cycles) and technological waves in order to assess the patterns of global development since the early 18th century. It also draws implications from this process to the international politics. Then, the article examines the main characteristics of the emerging sixth technological wave, which defines the global transformations in the early 21st century. It demonstrates that contradictions of this process are aggravated by hegemonic policies of the United States. The latter attempts to use its outstanding technological achievements to promote interests, aimed to retain its domination on international arena. Within the context of Global Information Revolution the sixth technological wave is laying down new qualities of  international relations, stipulated by information and cyber space, information society oriented to knowledge and innovation, postindustrial way of production that determine peculiarities of International Science and Technology Relations. Main conclusions are tied with the impact of scientific and technological progress on international relation in global agenda of international policy and international economy as well as formulating new approaches to management of this process. The article concludes with a number of specific suggestions on development of international institutions, which could help spread the accomplishments of transition to the sixth technological wave across the world. It also examines the level of understanding of emerging challenges in the technological realm in Russia.

The article explores the evolution process of the system of nation-states in the Middle East over a hundred-year period from the time of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until the present day. It offers an analysis of the attempts undertaken by the Arabs to build up their own national statehood in replacement of the former vilayets, particularly in the Levant, both in the form of a Pan-Arab state and in the form of separate countries. The arbitrarily designated borderlines and the enslavement of the regional states through a system of mandates have laid the foundation for the conflict environment to prevail.

Following the origination of the “Jewish national home” in Palestine, another conflict node emerged, and the nation-building efforts by the Palestinians and the Jews have been directed along the track of exclusivism. The unresolved status of the Kurdish problem has also predetermined the formation of the breeding ground for the future inter-ethnic confrontation. The state-building process has given rise to a dilemma – the national and territorial particularization vs integrationism. Various Caliphate projects, including those implemented by the extremist, terrorist groups, are examined through the prism of the integrationist trend. The classification of Al-Qaida suggested by several Western authors and certain part of the military establishment (D. Kilcullen, D. Petreus) and categorized as a transnational or global Islamist rebel movement is challenged.

Over a protracted period, the nation-states have been subjected to numerous threats and dangers, which are grouped here into ten types. Among them, inter alia, are interstate and civil wars; riots, revolutions and military coups etc. The article provides substantiation for the assertion that one of the inalienable characteristic features of the system of institutions in the Middle Eastern countries is the duality or, more precisely, multiplicity of the defense and law enforcement agencies. Currently, due to the impact of the centrifugal forces, the Middle East region is undergoing a difficult period of multi-stage fragmentation that entails unpredictable consequences, especially with respect to the regional and global security environment.

The article analyzes the reasons behind the Russian-Japanese rapprochement in the mid-2010s. The Russia-Japan dyad is a complex and multi-dimensional phenomenon in which geopolitics, historical memory, mutual perceptions, domestic politics and personality factors are intertwined. Therefore, analysis of Russian-Japanese relations cannot be fulfilled on the basis of a single theoretical approach. To grasp it the authors rely on combination of neoclassical realism and constructivism, augmented by the application of Robert Putnam’s two-level games model.

The article comes to the conclusion that, from the perspective of neoclassical realism, Russia-Japan relations have entered a propitious period. The changing balance of power in the Asia-Pacific, with the United States’ positions relatively weakening against the China’s remarkable rise, make it both possible and necessary for Japan to improve relations with Russia. Good-neighborly relations with Moscow will provide Tokyo with greater confidence in an increasingly uncertain geopolitical environment. The constructivist analysis produces a much less optimistic picture. For over two centuries Russia-Japan relations accumulated substantial burden of mutual grievances and accusations. To overcome the barriers of distrust and hostility, geopolitical drivers are not sufficient. Bold steps toward each other are needed. These steps should not be only about symbolism, but also about substance such as considerably raising the scale of economic, social and human interactions. The two-level game model, applied to the territorial dispute negotiations, shows that Russia and Japan are now in a more or less equal position, since their chief negotiators, Vladimir Putin and Shinzo Abe, are both strong and popular leaders who are capable of securing domestic ratification of a deal, even if it contains significant concessions. Overall, the prospects for Russia-Japan relations can be assessed with cautious optimism, as a window of opportunity for their improvement has opened.

The article deals with causes and effects of a “cultural turn” in modern theory of international relations. Approach to political organisms as cultures concentrates attention of scholars and practitioners alike on what seems to be a rather vague term, which is subject to various interpretations. However, the notion of “culture” comprises important, although unobvious moments of interaction dynamics among parties to international relations.  Logical and  philosophical view  promotes to  disclosing  such moments  after studying potential and limits of the category of “culture” in its application to the analysis of international processes. This perspective enables approach to understanding certain social communities/international relations subjects through interpreting them as various  “conceptualization  methods”  (i.e.  description forms of ideal objects and values in a certain language and its speakers’ material activities). Reconstruction of texts inevitably leads to cultural comparisons. This in turn is impossible without studying of intercultural communications. Lack of operational generalizations in this field is remarkable though many publications describe in details vast empiric material. The current article strives to fill theoretical gaps in intercultural communications study. Special emphasis is placed on such issue as dialogue communication.

Purpose of the article is analysis of intercultural communications through categories and approaches imported from philosophy of culture as a  foundation  for  optimization  of  negotiating  process  in international relations. It discusses formation of general patterns enabling comparative analysis of diverse materials with due consideration to methodological limitations for such comparisons. A range of solutions enables to achieve stated objectives. First, representation of intercultural communication is to be clarified from logical and philosophical point of view. Second, “values synthesis” of formal conditions enabling negotiating process optimization are to be determined. Third, connection between “cultural codes” and linguocultural frames is to be proved based on axiological and behavioral  patterns  typical  for  various cultures representatives. The novelty of the suggested approach is development of a theory of understanding modern version, not contradicting search of mutually acceptable  interpretations  and  at  the  same  time taking into consideration necessity to form an argument field in common. Eventually it is suggested to contemplate within academic community development of a new theoretical pattern describing international processes dynamics based on emphasizing logical and philosophical frame of such researches.

Current state of international relations (IR) is characterized by number of experts as «The New Cold War». In such circumstances exploring ways of reacting on threats and challenges are bringing to the fore. Thereby states, having the needed potential and possibilities, search for the new sophisticated leverages in order to reach necessary political results. The analysis of informational concepts development shows that the importance of power category as a key political resource of any country in its different demonstrations stays the key method of state-to-state communication. In this article author considers the evolution of theoretical approaches for determination of the role of power in accordance with certain political situation in particular historical context. The review of this concept evoltuion in the works of Russian and foreign scientists shows that the representatives of main schools of IR theory have differently assessed and determined the boundaries of using military power and coercive actions, i.e. hard power – on the one hand – and soft power on the other hand, which is defined by professor Joseph Nye as «the ability to attract and co-opt, rather than by coercion» [Nye 2004]. These studies had let to the conclusion about the importance of both of power types in current confrontational international environment. Thus, reservation or sometimes even growing of country's military budget shows its devotion to “hard power”, while spending for “soft power” is also stays its significant item of expenditure. Along with this, author judges that both “soft” and “hard” power concepts have definitional ambiguity, that can pose difficulties while exploring the issue.

This article contributes to the evolving discussion on general principles of Obama’s foreign policy. It is noted that the thesis on his restraint in taking war decisions results from the analysis of his behavior in the Syrian crisis. The article overviews the history on Obama’s military decision-making in the Afghan crisis in 2009–2011, when this crisis was the top priority for B. Obama. Obama faced the choice between counterterrorism and counterinsurgency and opted for the latter, which implied massive use of force. On

this basis the author adjusts the thesis on Obama’s restrain in making military decisions. Obama’s views on the use of military force evolved. At the beginning of his presidency the American president was a true believer in military force. He wanted to narrow objectives of use of force, but to increase the force as such. He was sure that necessary force, up to the requests of the military professionals, would effectively achieve limited goals. However, Obama was frustrated with the growing demands of the military. He was reconfirming counterinsurgency with less and less resolution, having to review the strategy. However, he managed to escape the ultimate dilemma on what to do with the reliance on force, which did not justify expectations. After Osama ben Laden was killed, which was not a direct result of the counterinsurgency strategy and was not its goal, Obama de-facto withdrew from commitment to use of force in Afghanistan. Later on Obama was more careful with use of force, in particular in the Syria crisis.

In 1997 Hong Kong became a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China and was granted a high degree of autonomy unprecedented for the highly centralized unitary PRC. Hong Kong's autonomy aims to preserve its capitalist system which distinguishes SAR from the other part of the country. The ideological foundation of such autonomy is “one country, two systems” (OCTS) principle enunciated by Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s. Deng intended to use it for the peaceful reunification with Taiwan. However, it was in practice first applied towards the former British possession. The implementation of OCTS in Hong Kong caused a stand-off between Beijing and its local loyalists, on the one hand, and local pan-democrats, on the other, over such issues as the scope of autonomy, interference of the central government in the SAR's political affairs, as well as whether “one country” has precedence over “two systems”. Power struggle within China’s establishment also greatly affects Hong Kong internal matters. Beijing, being doubtful of patriotic sentiment of the population in the autonomy, seeks to avoid rapid democratic reforms which may bring pan-democrats to power. It accuses them of collusion with foreign forces threating China's sovereignty. A slow pace of democratic reforms in Hong Kong outrages local pan-democrats who suspect that the ultimate goal of Beijing is to assimilate Hong Kong culturally, politically and economically. However, the mainstream (moderate) pan-democrats are unable to achieve the goal of free and democratic elections of the Chief Executive and entire Legislative Council. This frustrates certain portion of population some of whom forms radical political groups advocating democratization of SAR through any means, including violence, and demanding referendum on self-determination of Hong Kong and even outright independence of the territory.

The article presents the results of evaluation of the activities of international organizations and foundations in the field of public diplomacy. It is revealed, public diplomacy is gradually beginning to take its place in Russian foreign policy, but a number of existing problems (lack of regulatory framework, financial and institutional support, effective tools for non-profit organizations involvement in international processes) reduces the efficiency of the use of this tool. Moreover, one of the most serious problems is the low demand for regional capacity-building of public diplomacyAnalysis of the activities in the field of public diplomacy organizations and funds allowed us to determine that most of the initiatives and projects in this area is realized in Moscow organizations and is not focused on the periphery of Russia. At the same time, it has now created a large number of regional and international organizations willing to contribute to the realization of important public diplomacy projects. The study of the views of the population of border regions of Russia led to the conclusion that the inhabitants of border areas, often are members of a number of processes of cross-border international communications, ready to take an active part in the processes of public diplomacy, key actors which they define non-profit organizations and foundations. It concludes in this regard that the formation of an effective model of public diplomacy must be based on all available resources, including the potential of Russian regions. The potential of the non-profit sector in public diplomacy is of particular importance in border regions, which is defined as a community of cultural and historical development of Russia and neighboring countries, and the willingness of experts and the public borderland develop and implement interstate integration projects, as well as to participate in public processes diplomacy.

The article examines the evolution of the European academic community as a distinct political actor. The recent political studies are characterized by the broadening of the understanding of actorness. It is attributed not only to transnational corporations and other non-state organizations, but also to epistemic communities (which represent associations based on the common knowledge). Therefore, groups of scholars in cases when they are represented by designated institutions, acting on their behalf and engaged in political process, could also be seen as actors. In order to define European academic community as an international political actor it is essential to identify organizations acting on its behalf similarly to the national associations representing groups of scientists within individual countries. Institutions of scientific policy of the European Union emerged as such organizations. The rise of this policy was defined by an attempt not only to form a transnational community of scientists, but also to set it against national academic communities within the EU Member-States. It was supplemented by the expansion of the American model of production of the organization of science. Those academics which attempted to operate in transnational environment of the EU appeared to be more open to the practices imported from the United States.

Currently the European structures of the support of academic activity are integrated in the European research community. The latter becomes a major pillar for scientists predominantly associated with other transnational actors, which characterize them as the most globalized part of the academic population. The article localize, therefore, European research community as a group  of  specialists,  who  possess  their distinct interests; retain the widest connections with global economy; rely on their own institutional structures; and elaborate their own discourse, related to the “knowledge economy”.

This paper focuses on dilemmas that modern university faces as an educational, research  and  social institute. The basic challenge is produced by the intersection of two major processes. The first is related to the trend of internalization of education and research, while the second is localization, understood as a turn of University to the needs of a local or regional community. These two processes are not necessarily perfectly reconcilable. Thus, modern Universities might require to define their own strategy towards both. To what extent this dichotomy is real? How the two processes are perceived and dealt with by Russian and foreign universities? Finally, what role an institutional and a resource environment play in there choices? The study was performed on the basis of a comparatively-oriented case-study: a case of Russian classical regional university (Perm State National Research University) is placed in  a  context  of  institutional change practices and development strategies of Western and Russian universities. The results of  this research demonstrate that the distinctive feature of Russian universities (especially regional national research universities) is a weak reflection of their strategic choices. Their selection of priorities is rather random, while institutional transformation is unsystematic. In European case, two aforementioned trends supplement each other even though internationalization and commercialization seem to play the leading role. On the other hand, Russian example shows that universities’ pursuit of commercialization and internationalization has lesser impact on the local surrounding spaces development. Moreover, although Russian and European universities face similar challenges and undergo similar institutional transformations, there are differences between  their  resource  and  institutional  environments,  resulting  in  different outcomes. Russian universities are forced to not only catch up, but to choose the imposed  "survival strategy".

The policy of economic moderrnization in the Russian Federation makes the improvement of domestic producers competitiveness and the growth of Russian non-primary exports an important and challenging issue.

Different countries face such problems. North European countries are among them. Having relatively small population and small domestic markets these contries pay greate attention to external economic activity support and extension of their sales volumes. Flexible external economic policy formes the basis of economic growth in the North European countries. It enables a sparsely populated and infertile region to find its niches in global production chains and new sales markets.

A number of economic shocks, affecting these countries during 1970’s (crisis of overproduction and "Oil Shocks" 1973-1975), early 1990’s. (the crisis of the European monetary system, the domestic demand reduction and the decline of the trade and economic ties with the Soviet Union) encouraged establishment of an economic planning system which could provide rapid response to economic turbulence. Large-scale reforms were carried out. They provided an attractive investment environment increasing the efficiency of labor and engaging professional workforce. These reforms affected all economy sectors and spheres of social policy, inspiring innovations and boostering growth in the technologically prospective economy sectors. The factors improving Nordic countries competitiveness are mastering new technologies, high educational level of the workforce and the ease of doing business.

During the financial crisis of the late 2000’s the decreasing external economic activity could not be compensated by the growth of domestic sales. One of the basic reasons for that was a relatively small population. To improve the investment climate Governments of the Nordic courtiers implemented a number of industrial policy reforms for supporting export.

The Nordic countries formed the system of the governmental support in order to booster international cooperation and exports, which provided not only the increase of number of exporters, but also qualitative changes in the export structure.

This article examines the Nordic countries ongoing initiatives for foreign  economic  activity  support through the state bodies and diplomatic missions.

A book review: Binnendijk, H. Friends, Foes and Future Directions: U.S. Partnerships in a Turbulent World. Santa Monica, California: RAND Corporation, 2016. 163 p.

A book review: Brooks S.G., Wohlforth W.C. America Abroad: The United States’ Global Role in the 21st Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. 274 p.

The article focuses on the trend towards economization of the ministries of foreign affairs in many developed countries, using the case of the French diplomatic service. It deals with the MFA’s increasing role in foreign economic policy, on the one hand, and the share of economic agenda in diplomats’ work, on the other. In order to achieve these goals, the author provides an analysis of functioning of the French national system of economic diplomacy, which since 2012 has undergone a process of restructuring, aimed at enhancing the role of the ministry of foreign affairs in regulating of foreign economic activities. In fact, this reform constituted the government’s reaction to the financial and economic crisis of the Eurozone in 2011–2012. The article examines the key dimensions of the current reform: activation of the “French teams”; personal involvement of the Minister of foreign affairs into economic diplomacy issues; promoting French high technologies and innovations on the world markets; diversification of foreign investment inflows in favor of developing countries; support of the foreign economic activity of small and medium-sized enterprises; introduction of a facilitated visa regime for businessmen from countries considered strategic partners. The article casts light upon the recent structural transformations in the economic diplomacy service, especially, on the establishment of the Directorate for French companies and the world economy at the MFA, introduction  of  the  new positions dealing with foreign economic activities, as well as organizations of events aimed at promoting economic ties. It also contains preliminary results of the reforms depicted by the dynamics of FDI flows, number and price of contracts between French companies and foreign investors, job growth on joint enterprises, number of French business units penetrating foreign markets. The author outlines the trend of the MFA playing a dominant role in the elaboration of the general foreign economic strategy alongside tactical policy-making. On the example of such an important field as scientific diplomacy, the author  illustrates  that  the  reform’s  approaches  are also  being  implemented  in  specific  functional diplomacy tracks. However, taking into account the ongoing reformation process, evaluating its overall results may be considered somewhat untimely.